1.1. Adolescence
1.1.1. General
Adolescence is the transitionary period between childhood and adulthood
(Frydenberg & Lewis, 1991a; Harper & Marshall, 1991). Adolescence encompasses
the physiological changes of puberty - the rapid development of the child into
an adult capable of sexual reproduction (Marieb, 1992). While puberty
underlies adolescence, concurrent psychological and social changes contribute
to make adolescence a crucial developmental stage (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1991a;
Siddique & D'Arcy, 1984) which partially determines the success of adult life
(Compas, 1993; Newcomb, Huba, & Bentler, 1986).A wealth of research has
investigated psychological aspects of adolescence, painting a mixed picture
about the quality of adolescent life (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993a; Nussbaumer,
1988; Siddique & D'Arcy, 1984; Violato & Holden, 1988). The 'classical' view,
which comes from socially oriented literature, sees the lives of adolescents
becoming increasingly grim. For example, the proportion of adolescents growing
up in single-parent families, breaking the law, using drugs, and committing
suicide is reported to be increasing, while academic performance, physical
fitness, and employment are reported to be on the decrease (American Academy
of Pediatrics, 1985; Braungart and Braungart, 1989; Csikszentmihalyi, 1991).
Empirical psychological findings, on the other hand, do not support such dire
views (Compas, 1993; Feldman, 1990; Hattie, J.A., 1992; Siddique & D'Arcy,
1984; Stefanko, 1984). Stefanko (1984), for example, surveyed the 455 articles
published between 1976 and 1981 in Adolescence™ and concluded that, "for the
majority of adolescents, the transition to adulthood appeared to be relatively
smooth, with predominant feelings of competence and affection associated with
school, family, and peers" (p.9). Offer, Ostrov, Howard, and Atkinson (1988)
conducted a cross-national self-image survey of 5938 adolescents in 10
countries (Australia, Bangladesh, Hungary, Israel, Italy, Japan, Taiwan,
Turkey, United States, and West Germany) and concluded that adolescents around
the world are remarkably consistent in reporting a positive self-image.
Despite these different pictures of the quality of adolescent life, there is
general agreement that adolescence involves considerable changes and
adaptation to new stressors. Some of these stressors, particularly for the 20%
of adolescents who are experiencing serious problems at any one time
(Stefanko, 1984), are so undesirable that most people would want to prevent
them from happening in the first place.
However, for other stressors which are an inherent part of moving from
childhood to adulthood, it may be more realistic to consider how adolescents'
deal with them and whether their coping resources need to be strengthened. It
has been shown in stress-related studies and cognitively-based intervention
programs (Kutash, Schlesinger, & Associates, 1980; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984)
that the consequence of a stressor is dependent on psychological variables. By
affecting key psychological processes it is theoretically possible to help
adolescents deal more effectively with the stressors inherent in growing up
and also to prepare them for facing unpredicted stressors which may arise in
the future. This leads to two key questions:
(a) Which psychological processes determine the quality of adolescent life,
and
(b) what intervention methodologies can affect them?
1.1.2. Self-concept
The 'self-concept' construct can be dated back over 2000 years to the Greek
philosophers (Hattie, J.A., 1992), to the first century B.C. in Hindu
scripture (Ewert, 1982), or to William James' (1890) "The Principles of
Psychology". Self-concept's rich history has resulted in an abundance of
definitions, models, theories and assessment methodologies. Some 10,910
'self-concept' entries appeared in Psychological Abstracts™ between 1974 and
1992 (Hattie, J. A., 1992). However major reviews have criticized self-concept
research for a lack of consistent and sound theory and poor quality
instrumentation (see Hattie, J. A, 1992; Marsh, 1990, 1992; Marsh, Parker, &
Barnes, 1985; Wylie, 1979).
The current literature generally agrees that the self-concept is the product
of cognitive appraisals an individual makes about his/her personal attributes
(Hattie, J. A., 1992; Marsh et al., 1985; Van der Werff, 1990). The
theoretical literature suggests that these self-appraisals occur frequently,
making self-concept more dynamic and susceptible to change than relatively
static psychological constructs such as personality dimensions (Heatherton &
Weinberger, 1994).
Empirical evidence, on the other hand, tends to report high levels of
stability for self-concept over time and relatively small changes induced by
most intervention efforts (Hattie, J.M., 1992; Marsh, Richards & Barnes,
1986a, 1986b; Nussbaumer, 1988).
Theoretical views on the structure of self-concept range from unidimensional
models to hierarchical, multi-dimensional models (Jackson & Bosma, 1990). J.A.
Hattie's (1992) substantial review of self-concept research concludes that
there is a lot of empirical support for a multi-dimensional model of
self-concept, and some support for a hierarchical model (i.e. that there are
higher order dimensions underlying the multiple dimensions). Uni-dimensional
models of self-concept are evident in childhood and become multifaceted during
adolescence (Hattie, J.A., 1992). This changing structure of self-concept is
paralleled, and perhaps caused, by the cognitive development from the concrete
operational level in childhood to the formal operational or abstract level in
adolescence (Baker, 1982; Inhelder & Piaget, 1958; Piaget, 1969).
High self-concepts, that is positive self-appraisals, have a number of
correlates. Some gender differences are found for specific self-concept scales
- boys tend to report higher maths and physical self-concept scores, while
girls tend to report higher social and verbal self-concept scores (Hattie, J.A.,
1992; Marsh, et al., 1985; Wylie, 1979). However, major self-concept reviews
consistently conclude that there are no gender differences for other
self-concept dimensions and for total self-concept. Correlates that have been
more strongly associated with higher self-concepts are:
(a) internal locus of control,
(b) desirable home environments,
(c) supportive and attentive communication style, and
(d) versatile and deep processing study skills (Hattie, J.A., 1992).
While these findings do not demonstrate causal links with self-concept, they
do contribute to establishing the construct validity of the self-concept
construct as an important psychological entity. The generally desirable nature
of the correlates with high self-concepts invites the speculation that
enhancement of self-concept may also have positive effects in other areas of
individuals' functioning.
If a long history and large volume of related research are any measure, then
the importance of self-concept as a core psychological construct would be
difficult to overstate. At the same time, it must be borne in mind that too
much self-concept research has been correlational, descriptive, and used over
simplistic theories and methodologies (Hattie, J.A., 1992; Wylie, 1979).
Currently there is a need to conduct
more intensive research on self-concept, and particularly on self-concept
change programs, to further our understanding of self-concepts' underlying
mechanisms, self-concept's amenability to change, and to examine the validity
of self-concept instrumentation (Hattie, J. A., 1992).
1.1.3. Mental health
Mental health, like self-concept, has a long history as a major
psychological construct. Traditionally mental health has been considered as
the absence of mental disorder. More recently, definitions of mental health
have been broadened to include the notion of psychological well-being (Compas,
1993; Schaefer & Moos, 1992; Sleet & Dane, 1985). Today, mental health is
understood as the capacity of an individual to function in ways that promote
their own and others' subjective well-being (Raphael, 1993). The absence of
mental disorder is dependent on an individual's resilience to biological,
psychosocial, and environmental risk factors (Brooks-Gunn & Paikoff, 1993;
Compas, 1993, Raphael, 1993). Resilience can be developed, according to
Schaefer and Moos (1992), by confronting stressful experiences and coping with
them effectively. The concept of well-being refers to an individual's capacity
to experience 'wellness', that is, to enjoy life, experience satisfaction, and
feel optimistic (Veit & Ware, 1983; Wood, Rhodes, & Whelan, 1989). The
inclusion of well-being in the domain of mental health has allowed mental
health assessments to be made of normal populations. Measures of mental
disorder are typically subject to floor effects in normal populations and
hence do not allow for meaningful discrimination of the quality of mental
health (Fry, 1992). Measures of well-being, on the other hand, provide a more
sensitive and discriminating assessment of the quality of mental health for
people relatively free of mental illness (Veit & Ware, 1983). he dimensional
structure of mental health is an ongoing debate.
Convincing findings come from Veit and Ware's (1983) major study with 5089
subjects aged between 13 and 69 years old which provided strong psychometric
support for a hierarchical model of mental health. Based on their Mental
Health Inventory (MHI), Veit and Ware (1983) extracted two higher order
correlated factors - psychological distress and well-being - as well as five
lower order correlated factors - anxiety, depression, emotional ties, general
positive affect, and loss of behavioural/emotional control.
Correlates of mental disorder have been studied more extensively than
correlates of well-being. Generally, mental disorder research associates the
existence of mental problems with other life difficulties. Other research
shows that psychological well-being is not necessarily associated with
objective life circumstances (Wood et al., 1989). There exists a distinct need
to investigate pro-active methods of developing resilience to psychological
distress and of fostering psychological well-being, particularly for the large
population of normal adolescents.
1.1.4. Coping
Studies of coping grew out of research on stress in the 1960s, 1970s, and
1980s (Carpenter, 1992; Frydenberg & Lewis, 1991a). Early approaches to the
theory and measurement of coping were based on Freud's psychodynamic theory
and others were based on ego psychology (Carpenter, 1992). More recently,
following the development of cognitive-appraisal models in stress research,
coping has been explained as an individual's psychological mediation between
the perceived demands of the external world and the perceived needs of the
internal world. Coping refers to all strategies - whether cognitive,
emotional, or physical - that an individual uses to negotiate between their
internal and external environments. Stressors occur all the time, making
continuous demands on individuals' physiological and psychological
systems to adapt (Selye, 1980). Coping is an ongoing process that occurs as
part of everyday life.
Based on Lazarus and Folkman's (1984) transactional model of psychological
stress, coping can be understood as part of an
appraisal-stress-coping-outcome™ feedback loop. In this explanation, coping
begins with a cognitive judgement which decides whether or not a situation is
stressful (i.e., whether or not the individual needs to adapt). If it is
judged that adaptation needs to take place, then a coping strategy is chosen.
A coping strategy can impact by: (a) minimizing the stress response, (b)
removing or reducing situational demands, (c) increasing available resources
(e.g., obtaining professional help) or, (d) altering the cognitive appraisal
itself (Carpenter, 1992). The outcome of the coping response is then
cognitively re-appraised by the individual, leading to a continuation of the
appraisal-stress-coping-outcome feedback loop. Empirical support has come from
laboratory studies which show that the way an event is cognitively appraised
influences the coping strategy subsequently chosen (Stone, Kennedy-Moore,
Newman, Greenberg, & Neale, 1992).
Findings from several coping studies on children and adolescents across a wide
range of stressors generally support the usefulness of Lazarus and Folkman's
transactional model of psychological stress (Compas, 1993; Compas, et al.,
1988). With the cognitive developments of adolescence a wider selection of
coping strategies which make use of concrete and abstract thinking become
available (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1991b). An individual's coping style emerges
from the integration of cognitive developments with the normative events and
specific stressors that occur during childhood and adolescence, with long term
consequences for shaping coping behaviour in adulthood (Frydenberg & Lewis,
1991b). This supports the notion that a short-term experiential intervention
may be able to have a positive and long-term influence on coping responses.
Coping researchers have had some difficulty establishing a consistent factor
structure across different contexts, subject populations, and instruments.
Some consensus does seem to have emerged for the broad structure of
problem-focused coping and emotion-focused coping (Carpenter, 1992; Frydenberg
& Lewis, 1993a; Stone, et al., 1992). Many researchers, however, prefer to
treat these two factors as underlying, and to some extent masking, more
specific coping strategies (Carpenter, 1992; Compas, 1993; Frydenberg & Lewis,
1993a; McCrae, 1992).
The coping behaviours used by Australian adolescents have been investigated in
several studies by Frydenberg (1993) and Frydenberg and Lewis (1991a, 1991b,
1993b, 1994a, 1994b). These studies indicate that, although Australian
adolescents are resourceful in managing their concerns, there are numerous
strategies which could be developed to enhance their repertoire of coping
responses (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993a).
The cognitive appraisal process provides a theoretical mechanism through which
therapeutic or educational intervention can act (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1991b).
There is currently a need to develop an understanding of which coping
strategies it is desirable to change, which coping strategies are amenable to
change, and different
methodologies by which successful coping strategy intervention can be
achieved.
1.2. Intervention programs
Adolescence has been discussed in terms of three psychological constructs -
self-concept, mental health, and coping. Attention is now turned to
intervention programs and their effects in these key psychological areas.
1.2.1. Self-concept effects
Self-concept enhancement has been a major aim of numerous psychotherapy and
education programs. J. M. Hattie (1992) conducted a meta-analysis of 89 studies
(485 effect sizes [ESs]1) which assessed change in self-concept measures as an
outcome of intervention programs. Overall, a moderate average ES of .37 was
found, with control groups reporting an 'unexpected' non-zero ES of .12. There
was considerable variability in ESs between studies. Cognitively-based
programs had higher ESs (.47) than affectively-based programs (.12) or
non-specific programs (.37). The highest ES of the 16 coded categories was for
physically oriented programs (.58), with the sub-category of camps and summer
schools, including Outward Bound programs, achieving an ES of .97. This
compares favourably with the average effect size of .68 for psychotherapy
outcomes (Smith, Glass, & Miller, 1980). Cason and Gillis (1994) conducted a
meta-analysis which concentrated on outcomes for outdoor adventure programs
for adolescents. Based on 43 studies (235 ESs), a small to medium (see
Footnote 2) ES of .31 was reported. When effect sizes were further related to
the specific conditions under which the programs are conducted, a more
detailed picture emerged:
(a) Adolescents versus Adults. Adolescent self-concept change programs
reported lower ESs (.23) than adult programs (.52) in J.M. Hattie's study
(1992). Adventure programs conducted for adolescents achieved an ES of .34 for
self-concept in Cason and Gillis' (1994) study.
(b) Normal versus Problem-identified Participants. Programs with normal
participants achieved lower ESs (.26) than programs with subjects previously
identified as having problems (.55) (Hattie, J. M., 1992). For adolescent
adventure programs Cason and Gillis (1994) reported no differences in ESs
between normal and problem-identified participants.
(c) Program Length. J. M. Hattie (1992) did not find a linear relationship
between program length and ES, although this may have been due to the
restricted program length categories she used. Residential programs achieved
higher ESs (.48) than full day (.21) and half day (.46) programs (Hattie, J.M.,
1992). Cason and Gillis (1994) found a significant and positive correlation
between program length and ES (r = .174, p < .008).
(d) Setting. Programs that took place in educational settings (i.e. schools
and colleges) demonstrated lower ESs (.36) than programs occurring in other
settings (.50) (Hattie, J. M., 1992).
(e) Leaders. Therapists (.48) and group leaders (.56) consistently achieved
higher results than teachers (.27) (Hattie, J. M., 1992). Smith, et al. (1980)
reported higher ESs for psychologists than teachers.
1.2.2. Mental health and coping effects
Mental health enhancement programs have used a wide range of methodologies
and have been applied to different populations of adolescents. However, no
clear picture of the effectiveness of these programs can be gained because few
are formally evaluated and those that are evaluated tend to be of poor quality
(Klein, Kotelchuck, & DeFreise, 1990). Compas (1993) surveyed empirical
evaluation studies of adolescent mental health programs. Although he did not
report outcome statistics succeeded in building both the skills to cope with
stress and involvement in personally meaningful activities.
One of Compas' (1993) recommendations was for future programs and research to
further investigate the characteristics of positive mental health from
multiple perspectives, including adolescents, parents, and teachers. This is
because the goals of existing interventions tend to be skewed towards
achieving outcomes primarily valued by mental health professionals. The result
is that mental health promotion programs are mainly focused on removing signs
of psychopathology as opposed to increasing resilience to psychological
distress or specifically fostering psychological well-being.
A second of Compas' (1993) recommendations is that mental health interventions
should expand beyond a person-centred model to include a range of helping and
socializing interventions, meaning that the attitudes and behaviours of
teachers, parents, and others who interact with adolescents need to be
included as targets of interventions.
Two of Compas' (1993) other recommendations are consistent with J. M. Hattie's
(1992) findings. Firstly, schools should remain a primary context for the
promotion of positive mental health, but there is a need to expand
intervention efforts to include other settings and contexts. This is
consistent with J. M. Hattie's meta-analysis which showed higher ESs for
programs outside the school setting. Compas 1993) also emphasized the role of
physical health in mental health and argued for the integration of mental and
physical health promotion efforts. Given that the highest ES of J. M. Hattie's
16 categories was found for physically based programs, there appears to be
sound empirical support for such an approach.
1.2.3. Characteristics of effective intervention programs
This research review suggests that an intervention program which positively
affects the self-concept, mental health, and coping resources of normal
adolescents would:
(a) be physically oriented,
(b) use the school context, but outside the school setting,
(c) take place in a residential setting,
(d) be of a long duration,
(e) be conducted by therapists or trained group leaders,
(f) incorporate the aims of adolescents, parents and teachers, and
(g) include teachers, parents and others involved with adolescents as
targets in the program.
Given that these characteristics have been associated with positive
outcomes, intervention programs which come close to meeting these criteria
deserve further research attention.
1.2.4. Outward Bound high school programs
1.2.4.1. Intervention characteristics
Outward Bound Australia high school programs have five of the seven
characteristics and at least some aspects of the other two) associated with
effective adolescent intervention programs:
a) A physically oriented program. Outward Bound high school programs use a
wilderness expedition format. This involves a developmental series of
physically-based activities such as camping, bushwalking, rafting,
abseiling/rockclimbing, environmental awareness activities, and communication
exercises.
b) Use the school context, but outside the school setting. Outward Bound
high school programs are designed and conducted in conjunction with each high
school, but take place in an environment completely separate from the school
setting.
c) In a residential setting. Outward Bound programs are residential, that
is, they involve the students 24 hours a day.
d) For a long duration. Outward Bound high school programs are 9 to 10 days
in length.
e) Conducted by therapists or trained group leaders. Outward Bound
high school programs are conducted by 'trained group leaders' or, in Outward
Bound terminology, instructors. Instructors are selected on the basis of their
ability to facilitate personal development using outdoor activities as their
learning medium (Outward Bound Australia, 1994e). Outward Bound instructors
are trained in-house in the technical skills of outdoor activities and
educational techniques for individual and group development.
f) Incorporate the aims of adolescents, parents and teachers. Outward
Bound high school programs incorporate the aims of teachers at two levels:
(i) in the initial design of the program by Outward Bound in conjunction
with the school, and
ii) by having a high school teacher and an Outward Bound instructor work as
a team with each group of students.
The aims of adolescents are incorporated at two levels:
(iii) in the initial design of the program if these aims are recognized and
expressed to Outward Bound by the high school, and
iv) by instructors helping the students set individual and group goals and
reviewing these goals with the students during the program. The aims of
parents are incorporated indirectly through expression of their aims to the
high school.
g) Include teachers, parents and others involved with adolescents as
targets in the program. Teachers are included as targets of Outward Bound
high school programs by having them work with Outward Bound instructors and
the students throughout the program. This provides teachers with opportunities
for their own personal development and also to develop closer relationships
with their students. Generally, parents are not included as targets of the
program, although they are invited to an information meeting conducted by a
senior Outward Bound staff member at the high school prior to the program to
help them understand what their son/daughter will do during the Outward Bound
program.
1.2.4.2. Philosophy and practice
Outward Bound Australia school programs involve "total and integrated
programming incorporating physical and adventure based activities, personal
development techniques and academic studies in the field" (Richards, 1977,
p.123). Although Outward Bound programs do not derive from any specific
psychological theory, the basic underlying tenet is that "all forms of growth
in the human being, whether they be physical, psychological, social or
cognitive can be significantly enhanced by the individual engaging himself in
active experiences in these various fields" (Richards, 1977, p.37). The impact
is further enhanced by the "great interdependence of these variables evidenced
in Outward Bound" (Richards, 1977, p.37).
Outward Bound instructors use a 'guided discovery learning' approach (Outward
Bound Australia, 1994b, 1994c). This means providing enough direction and
structure to guide the students' development and to ensure a high chance of
'learning success', but not so much as to remove the opportunity for students
to discover for themselves (Outward Bound Australia, 1994a). The emphasis is
on learning through personal and group discovery, as opposed to didacticism.
1.2.4.3. Aims and objectives
The stated objectives for Outward Bound Australia school programs are to
provide a learning environment which:
(a) improves confidence, increases self-esteem and develops maturity,
(b) develops teamwork, co-operation, effective communication and
understanding,
(c) stimulates interpersonal skills and leadership development,
(d) focuses resourcefulness, initiative, self-reliance and capacity to
adapt to change,
(e) encourages continuing personal development and goal setting,
(f) challenges the individual to cope with change, overcome difficulties
and build on their strengths,
(g) creates real life experiences which complement and reinforce the
learning from within the classroom, and \
(h) develops a rapport between staff and students not readily attainable in
a school environment (Outward Bound Australia, 1994c).
A pilot study conducted by Neill (1994) clarified the aims of Outward Bound
high school programs from the perspectives of Outward Bound instructors and
accompanying high school teachers. Fourteen instructors and thirteen teachers
were surveyed with regard to their overall objectives as well as the
particular self-concept dimensions and coping strategies which they aimed to
influence during Outward Bound high school programs. The picture emerged that
some dimensions were high priority whereas other dimensions where considered
low priority. The self-concept dimensions which instructors and teachers
identified Outward Bound high school programs as aiming to enhance were:
Physical Abilities, Physical Appearance, Single-Sex Relations,
Honesty-Trustworthiness, Emotional Stability, and General Self (Marsh, 1990).
The coping strategies which instructors and teachers aimed to encourage on
Outward Bound high school programs were: Social Support, Focus on Solving the
Problem, Work hard and Achieve, Focusing on the Positive, Physical Recreation,
and Social Action (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993a). The coping strategies which
instructors and teachers aimed to discourage were: Worrying, Seeking to
Belong, Wishful thinking, Not Coping, Tension Reduction, Ignoring the Problem,
Self-Blame, and Keeping to Self (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993a).
1.2.4.4. Past research
Outward Bound's eclectic theoretical basis presents a significant challenge
to the serious researcher. The majority of research on Outward Bound and
outdoor education has used a "black box" approach, focusing on program
outcomes and ignoring their relationship to process issues (Cason & Gillis,
1994; Ewert, 1987; Outward Bound Australia, 1994d; Shore, 1977). Research on
Outward Bound high school programs has been inconclusive. Spinaze (1986)
conducted a pre-post program evaluation of the effects of a 9 day Outward
Bound program for 29 Year 11 boys using the Tennessee Self-Concept instrument,
finding statistically non-significant gains for each scale, with no followup
or control group. Nussbaumer (1988) investigated the effects of different
outdoor education programs, including two Outward Bound high school programs
with female students, on physical self-concept. One of the Outward Bound high
school programs (N = 176) found a significant gain in overall physical
self-concept compared to the control group, a change which was sustained at a
three month followup. There was no reported change in overall physical
self-concept for the second Outward Bound high school program (N = 59). One
consistent finding from Nussbaumer's study was a significant main effect for
time for experimental and control groups. Unfortunately two-way interaction
analyses between time and experimental condition were not reported for the
physical self-concept sub-scales, leaving further questions about differential
rates of change for the experimental and control groups unanswered.
Parle (1983) investigated the role of self-efficacy in a voluntary 10 day
Outward Bound high school course for 109 female Year 9 students. The control
group consisted of 60 students from the same school and year level who had
chosen not to attend. The study included a one month follow-up assessment.
Students who attended the Outward Bound program had higher
'Outward-Bound-specific self-efficacy' scores than the control group to start
with, and this difference increased by the end of the Outward Bound program.
Participants in the Outward Bound program also reported an increase in their
general self-efficacy at the end of the program. However the non-participants
'caught-up' at the follow-up assessment. Parle 1983) suggested this was due to
social influence from the Outward Bound participants returning to the school
environment. While the study supported the effects of Outward Bound high
school programs on specific and general self-efficacy, the results were
limited by the poor quality scales used (Parle, 1983).
1.2.5. Research methodology
J. M. Hattie (1992) expressed concern over the quality of studies available
for inclusion in her meta-analysis. From an original pool of 650 self-concept
change studies, only 89 reported basic outcome statistics (e.g., N, mean,
standard deviation) from which an ES could be calculated. Of these 89 studies,
10 studies used control groups and 4 studies conducted followup assessments.
In other words, less than 1% of the original pool of self-concept change
studies used an experimental or quasi-experimental design and reported basic
followup statistics. This is particularly disturbing in the light of J. M.
Hattie's finding that control groups exhibit a non-zero ES (.12). In addition,
there is evidence that pre-post testing conducted immediately before and after
a program is subject to distorting that self-report scores measured
immediately prior to an intervention tend be depressed because of the
proximity of anticipated situational demands. Marsh, Richards, and Barnes
(1986a, 1986b) discussed the phenomenon of post-group euphoria, temporary
elation at the end of intervention, which can inflate post-test scores. These
contextual pre-post effects may to explain Cason & Gillis' (1994) finding that
less empirically sound studies were more likely to have more positive
findings.
There is a distinct need for sound research design to be applied to the
evaluation of intervention programs. Such studies need to:
(a) use outcome measures with established reliability and validity,
(b) match outcome measures to program objectives,
(c) use control groups (or establish a baseline through time series design)
and followup assessments, and
d) report standardized statistics.
The ultimate aim of adopting these measures is for intervention
studies to make a systematic contribution to the accumulation of
knowledge about key elements of effective of intervention programs.
1.3. Research questions
This review of psychological constructs related to adolescence reveals some
unresolved issues. Adolescence is understood as a developmental period which
involves a number of stressors. Although adolescence is experienced reasonably
well on the whole, many researchers suggest a need to help develop
adolescents' ability to deal with these stressors.
The outcomes of stressors experienced by adolescents can be linked
theoretically, and in some cases empirically, to self-concept, mental health,
and coping. Most research in these areas treats each particular psychological
construct in isolation from other psychological constructs. Such research is
necessary, particularly as further knowledge is still needed about the
structure of each of these constructs. There is, however, a need to develop a
broader understanding of how these psychological aspects of adolescence can be
changed through intervention efforts and how they change in conjunction with
one another.
The current review of intervention program research reveals a number of
characteristics associated with relatively large ESs. Further investigation is
needed to determine whether or not these characteristics are causally related
to the intervention program outcomes and, if so, to understand why. Evaluation
of intervention programs offers opportunities to answer not only practical
questions about the quality of the intervention but also theoretical questions
about the structure, stability, and interrelationships between the various
psychological constructs that are measured.
1.4. Aims of the present study
The present study investigated an adolescent intervention program which
closely matched the characteristics associated with relatively high outcome
effects in order to:
(a) determine what outcomes are achieved by an intervention program
currently being applied to thousands of Australian adolescents,
(b) investigate whether or not there are causal relationships between the
outcomes and the intervention program,
(c) shed light on the susceptibility of self-concept, mental health, and
well-being to positive change,
(d) demonstrate use of key research design elements required to make sound
conclusions about intervention program effects, and
(e) make a contribution to Outward Bound program philosophy and practice.
1.5. Hypotheses
Hypothesis 1a
Based on the observation that Outward Bound high school programs exhibit a
number of characteristics associated with effective self-concept enhancement
programs, it was hypothesized that: 'There will be an improvement in Outward
Bound participants' overall self-concept compared to any changes in the
control group.'
Hypothesis 1b
According to multi-dimensional self-concept models, some self-concept
dimension scores can change while others remain the same (Hattie, J. A., 1992;
Marsh, 1990). Based on the Outward Bound high school program objectives
(Outward Bound Australia, 1994c) and programs, it appears that the programs
aim to affect some dimensions of self-concept more directly than others.
Consequently it was hypothesized that:
'There will be an improvement in the self-concept of Outward Bound
participants in the areas of physical abilities, physical appearance,
single-sex relations, honesty-trustworthiness, emotional stability, and
general self (Marsh, 1990) compared to any changes in the control group'.
Hypothesis 1c
'There will be no change in the self-concept of Outward Bound participants
in the areas of parent relations, math, verbal, general school, and opposite
sex relations (Marsh, 1990) compared to any changes in the control group.'
Hypothesis 2a
The Outward Bound high school programs exhibit a number of promotion
programs (Compas, 1993). Consequently it was hypothesized that: 'There will be
an increase in Outward Bound participants' mental health compared to any
changes in the control group.'
Hypothesis 2b
Empirical research has demonstrated that mental health can be considered to
have two underlying factors, psychological distress and psychological
well-being (Veit & Ware, 1983). Consistent with Hypothesis 2a, it was
hypothesized that: 'There will be a decrease in Outward Bound subjects'
psychological distress compared to any changes in the control group.'
Hypothesis 2c
Following Hypothesis 2b, it was hypothesized that: 'There will be an
increase in Outward Bound participants' psychological well-being compared to
any changes in the control group.'
Hypothesis 2d
For normal populations, measures of psychological distress are likely to be
subject to floor effects, whereas measures of psychological well-Ware, 1983).
Given that Outward Bound high school programs are conducted with normal
adolescents, it was hypothesized that: 'There will be a greater improvement in
Outward Bound participants' compared to any changes in the control group.'
Hypothesis 3a
Based on the Outward Bound high school program objectives and the pilot
study conducted on the aims of Outward Bound instructors and accompanying high
school teachers (Neill, 1994), it appears that the programs aim to increase
adolescents' use of certain coping strategies, decrease the use of some coping
strategies, and not to change the use of other coping strategies.
Consequently, it was hypothesized that: 'Outward Bound participants will
report using different amounts of various coping strategies after the Outward
Bound program compared to any changes in the control group'.
Hypothesis 3b
As an extension of Hypothesis 3a, it was hypothesized that: 'There will be
an increase in reported use of coping strategies which relate to social
support, problem solving, working hard and achieving, focusing on the
positive, physical recreation, and social action (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993a)
for Outward Bound participants compared to any changes in the control group'.
Hypothesis 3c
As an extension of hypothesis 3a, it was hypothesized that: 'There will be
a decrease in reported use of coping strategies which relate to worrying,
seeking to belong, wishful thinking, not coping, tension reduction, ignoring
the problem, self-blame, and keeping to self (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993a) for
Outward Bound participants compared to any changes in the control group'.
Hypothesis 3d
As an extension of hypothesis 3a, it was hypothesized that: 'relate to
investing in close friends, spiritual support, seeking professional help, and
seeking relaxing diversions (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993a) for Outward Bound
participants compared to any changes in the control group'.
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